Was the Polish report written by Russians? Discrepancies that discredit the Tusk government!
Published: October 2, 2016
In August 2011, niezalezna.pl revealed that dates on the official Russian and Polish reports on the Smolensk crash indicated that the Russian version of the Polish Miller Report was written before the official Polish version was released. Marek Opioła from PiS (Polish Law and Justice Party) made a formal inquiry into this matter, but the response from Donald Tusk’s government, not only took a year to be issued, but was also unsatisfactory, stating that reasons for the date confusion were unknown.
This important matter has not been fully clarified to this day.
Donald Tusk received the Miller Report on June 28, 2011. From then, it allegedly took several weeks to translate the document into Russian. However, the date on the Russian translated version of the report is July 1, 2011, despite the fact that the Polish original was dated July 25, 2011.
What is the reason for such a discrepancy? When Tusk’s government was in power, the MSWiA (Polish Ministry of the Interior and Administration) spokesperson explained that July 1 was the date when the Polish report was handed in to be translated into Russian. “I confirm that the Polish document is authentic,” she said.
Nevertheless, nobody can explain why (if the MSWiA tells the truth) the Polish report was accepted as late as on July 25. This would mean that the translators had received its invalid version, and that the original could have been changed during those 25 days.
Click on the thumbnails below to view screen dumps from the detectors used to examine the wreckage and seats from the Polish president's plane crash in Smolensk. An "X" denotes the presence of the detected explosive substance and its type. The underlined Polish word "Probka" or "probka" in the screen dump 1 and 2, means "Sample"
Why did they all fly on the same plane?
Synopsis: January 12, 2013, Toronto, Canada. The wife of the late Deputy-Minister of Culture Tomasz Merta: "What I am about to tell you now, are suspicions - and not even my own - but, rather the [suspicions of the] individuals in the inner-circles of the [Polish] military... I heard a statement that was made - but, I am not taking any responsibility for how credible, or not credible it is. [I heard that] had the generals and journalists' not been re-assigned to different aircraft, it wouldn't have been the Tupolev [Tu-154M], but rather the Casa [transport aircraft] that would have been taken out.
Because the Generals were no longer onboard the Casa, there was no reason for it to get airborne. And for this reason it was the Yak[-40] that flew off to Smolensk. This Casa [transport aircraft] was never examined in any way. It was not subject to any examination. Aside from a single note in the deposition given to the military, no one was interested why this aircraft didn't fly [to Smolensk]. Perhaps, this is someones crazy phantasy, but perhaps it isn't.
Some [Polish] military personnel had suggested, that it [the Casa] had to stay behind at the Okecie military [tarmack], so that the explosives could be removed from it - because they were no longer needed [...] I am only repeating what I was told."
"Disarming" Explosives ...
It is worth for us to retrace the entire process of "disarming" the case of explosive substances at the crash site. It all started with the publication of Cezary Gmyz in "Rzeczpospolita" on October 30, 2012, and information that the detectors, which were used by experts in Smolensk (in late September and October) showed traces of TNT and nitroglycerine.
As it turned out, the journalist was also reporting about the indication of Hexogen. The storm broke. The prosecution denied the publication, and ultimately, the editor-in-chief of "Rzeczpospolita," Cezary Gmyz and two other journalists lost their jobs. The entire editorial staff of one of Poland’s most popular weeklies, "Uważam Rze", was also silenced.
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