Closing down Lasek's Propaganda Team before the upcoming elections facilitates concealment of its deceptive activities, says Polish Parlimentarian Antoni Macierewicz
Published: October 5, 2015
Antoni Macierewicz PHOTO wpolityce.pl
“This move also proves that Prime Minister Ewa Kopacz is aware of the propagandist and diversionary character of the team’s activities,” Macierewicz tells wPolityce.pl
Q: 3 weeks before the elections Ewa Kopacz has closed Maciej Lasek’s team. What is your interpretation of this decision?
Antoni Macierewicz: My impression is that Ewa Kopacz feels embarrassed by this propaganda team’s activity and its outcomes. She is right to feel embarrassed. However, this might also be an attempt to sweep under the carpet evidence of the team’s activity, like documentation. Since the team’s correspondence and other documentation would expose its propagandist, money-focused character, closing it now would give the government a perfect opportunity to dispose of unwanted materials.
Q: The government allowing this team the time to complete the process?
Antoni Macierewicz: It appears that the Prime Minister wants her administration to deal with this case. The team is accountable to the Prime Minister’s Office. In my opinion the motivation to close the team is that Ewa Kopacz wants her officers to destroy evidence. It is also a proof that she is aware of the propagandist and diversionary character of the team’s activity.
Q: Could this disposal of documentation reflect on the future Smolensk crash investigation that a new government might want to initiate?
Also See: "Dr. Lasek's Polish Government-Funded Propaganda Team on the Smolensk Plane Crash Closed"
The Government Center of Legislation (RCL) has published in the Polish Monitor an Executive Order issued by Prime Minister Ewa Kopacz to close Maciej Lasek’s team charged with the responsibility to explain to the Polish public the cause of the Smolensk crash as presented in the Miller report. The Executive Order to close down the Lasek Team entered into force upon publication. Thus, the Lasek propaganda team was closed down, without any prior announcement, on the day of the publication of the Executive Order. More here
Antoni Macierewicz: In my view this might enable the team’s members to hide their real actions. Today, we should focus on the important question of how these people obtained an unlawful access to the materials of the Committee for Investigation of National Aviation Accidents.
Q: Why do you think the access was unlawful?
Antoni Macierewicz: These materials can only be accessed with a court permission. The Lasek Team has never obtained such permit. Nevertheless, the team had access to such materials; indeed, it used them to spread its propaganda and to distort the real sequence of events on April 10, 2010. It is possible that the team’s documentation would expose more of its unlawful actions. Closing the team and disposing of evidence is an attempt to withhold the team’s wrongdoings from becoming public.
Q: Will this action reduce chances of establishing the cause of the Smolensk crash?
Antoni Macierewicz: I don’t think this will impact significantly on seeking the truth about the Smolensk crash. I can’t imagine that at this point the team would be able to do any harm to any such investigation. The fact remains, though, that the team is being given an opportunity to hide materials. I expect the team will attempt to conceal swindles it was involved in.
Conclusive evidence of explosives detection emerges! Antoni Macierewicz Press Conference, July 19, 2013. Examples of Spectrometer readouts released to the public.
Explosives found on as many as 30 seats from the Polish government Tupolev Tu-154M that crashed on April 10, 2010 - reported Poland's largest daily "Rzeczpospolita" on October 30, 2012. Cezary Gmyz, its investigative journalist confirmed that the information came from four highly credible sources involved in the investigation. "Rzeczpospolita's" findings were also corroborated by the Polish Parliamentary Group's Chairman, Mr. Antoni Macierewicz, as well as Dr. Kazimierz Nowaczyk, who published (see below) preliminary analysis of samples performed by an independent laboratory in the United States.
Smolensk Crash Explosives:
C-4 is a common variety of the plastic explosive known as Composition C. Plastic explosive is a soft and hand moldable solid form of explosive material. Within the field of explosives engineering, plastic explosives are also known as putty explosives.
Warsaw Press Conference 10.30.12 PHOTO by Reuters
TNT (TriNitroToluene) is a chemical compound with the formula CH3C6H2(NO2)3. This yellow-colored solid is sometimes used as a reagent in chemical synthesis, but it is best known as a useful explosive material with convenient handling properties. The explosive yield of TNT is considered to be the standard measure of strength of bombs and other explosives.
TNT is one of the most commonly used explosives for military and industrial applications. It is valued partly because of its insensitivity to shock and friction, which reduces the risk of accidental detonation, compared to other more sensitive high explosives such as nitroglycerin.
RDX (abbr.. Research Department Explosive) is an explosive nitroamine widely used in military and industrial applications. In its pure, synthesized state RDX is a white, crystalline solid. It is often used in mixtures with other explosives and plasticizers, phlegmatizers or desensitizers. RDX is stable in storage and is considered one of the most powerful and brisant of the military high explosives.
HMX, also called octogen, is a powerful and relatively insensitive nitroamine high explosive, chemically related to RDX. Like RDX, the compound's name is the subject of much speculation, having been variously listed as High Melting eXplosive, Her Majesty's eXplosive, High-velocity Military eXplosive, or High-Molecular-weight rdX.
Click on the thumbnails below to view screen dumps from the detectors used to examine the wreckage and seats from the Polish president's plane crash in Smolensk. An "X" denotes the presence of the detected explosive substance and its type. The underlined Polish word "Probka" or "probka" in the screen dump 1 and 2, means "Sample"
Why did they all fly on the same plane?
Synopsis: January 12, 2013, Toronto, Canada. The wife of the late Deputy-Minister of Culture Tomasz Merta: "What I am about to tell you now, are suspicions - and not even my own - but, rather the [suspicions of the] individuals in the inner-circles of the [Polish] military... I heard a statement that was made - but, I am not taking any responsibility for how credible, or not credible it is. [I heard that] had the generals and journalists' not been re-assigned to different aircraft, it wouldn't have been the Tupolev [Tu-154M], but rather the Casa [transport aircraft] that would have been taken out.
Because the Generals were no longer onboard the Casa, there was no reason for it to get airborne. And for this reason it was the Yak[-40] that flew off to Smolensk. This Casa [transport aircraft] was never examined in any way. It was not subject to any examination. Aside from a single note in the deposition given to the military, no one was interested why this aircraft didn't fly [to Smolensk]. Perhaps, this is someones crazy phantasy, but perhaps it isn't.
Some [Polish] military personnel had suggested, that it [the Casa] had to stay behind at the Okecie military [tarmack], so that the explosives could be removed from it - because they were no longer needed [...] I am only repeating what I was told."
"Disarming" Explosives ...
It is worth for us to retrace the entire process of "disarming" the case of explosive substances at the crash site. It all started with the publication of Cezary Gmyz in "Rzeczpospolita" on October 30, 2012, and information that the detectors, which were used by experts in Smolensk (in late September and October) showed traces of TNT and nitroglycerine.
As it turned out, the journalist was also reporting about the indication of Hexogen. The storm broke. The prosecution denied the publication, and ultimately, the editor-in-chief of "Rzeczpospolita," Cezary Gmyz and two other journalists lost their jobs. The entire editorial staff of one of Poland’s most popular weeklies, "Uważam Rze", was also silenced.
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